Does Anyone Still Listen to this Guy?
Krugman was at it again on Sunday.  Apparently to him, solving a debt crisis with more spending is just what the doctor ordered.  Of course, he's right on one item--not spending will create a bona fide deflationary depression.  The "pro austerity" camp, for the most part, has no idea what it's asking for.  On the other hand, the "pro-spending" camp, which includes the Keynesians like Krugman and Bernanke (and secretly every politician that wants to keep his or her office), will have to destroy the currency in order to fight the debt tidal wave.
Damned if you do, damned if you don't.
As long term readers know, we are in neither camp.  We are simply going to capitalize on the situation and believe that the politicians will do whatever it takes to defeat the debt deflation--and in doing so will unleash a terrible inflation.  Hence, we are inflationists at the end of the day, but whichever direction the tide turns, rest assured we won't be swimming upstream.
In case you haven't seen it, here's Krugman's New York Times Halloween editorial on the subject.  In the spirit of the season, it certainly is scary.
Mugged by the Moralizers
PAUL KRUGMAN
Published: October 31, 2010
“How many of you people want to pay for your neighbor’s mortgage that  has an extra bathroom and can’t pay their bills?” That’s the question  CNBC’s Rick Santelli famously asked in 2009, in a rant widely credited  with giving birth to the Tea Party movement.        
It’s a sentiment that resonates not just in America but in much of the  world. The tone differs from place to place — listening to a German  official denounce deficits, my wife whispered, “We’ll all be handed  whips as we leave, so we can flagellate ourselves.” But the message is  the same: debt is evil, debtors must pay for their sins, and from now on  we all must live within our means.
And that kind of moralizing is the reason we’re mired in a seemingly endless slump.
The years leading up to the 2008 crisis were indeed marked by  unsustainable borrowing, going far beyond the subprime loans many people  still believe, wrongly, were at the heart of the problem. Real estate  speculation ran wild in Florida and Nevada, but also in Spain, Ireland  and Latvia. And all of it was paid for with borrowed money.
This borrowing made the world as a whole neither richer nor poorer: one  person’s debt is another person’s asset. But it made the world  vulnerable. When lenders suddenly decided that they had lent too much,  that debt levels were excessive, debtors were forced to slash spending.  This pushed the world into the deepest recession since the 1930s. And  recovery, such as it is, has been weak and uncertain — which is exactly  what we should have expected, given the overhang of debt.
The key thing to bear in mind is that for the world as a whole, spending  equals income. If one group of people — those with excessive debts — is  forced to cut spending to pay down its debts, one of two things must  happen: either someone else must spend more, or world income will fall.
Yet those parts of the private sector not burdened by high levels of  debt see little reason to increase spending. Corporations are flush with  cash — but why expand when so much of the capacity they already have is  sitting idle? Consumers who didn’t overborrow can get loans at low  rates — but that incentive to spend is more than outweighed by worries  about a weak job market. Nobody in the private sector is willing to fill  the hole created by the debt overhang.
So what should we be doing? First, governments should be spending while  the private sector won’t, so that debtors can pay down their debts  without perpetuating a global slump. Second, governments should be  promoting widespread debt relief: reducing obligations to levels the  debtors can handle is the fastest way to eliminate that debt overhang.
But the moralizers will have none of it. They denounce deficit spending,  declaring that you can’t solve debt problems with more debt. They  denounce debt relief, calling it a reward for the undeserving.
And if you point out that their arguments don’t add up, they fly into a  rage. Try to explain that when debtors spend less, the economy will be  depressed unless somebody else spends more, and they call you a  socialist.
Try to explain why mortgage relief is better for America than  foreclosing on homes that must be sold at a huge loss, and they start  ranting like Mr. Santelli. No question about it: the moralizers are  filled with a passionate intensity.
And those who should know better lack all conviction.
John Boehner, the House minority leader, was widely mocked last year  when he declared that “It’s time for government to tighten their belts” —  in the face of depressed private spending, the government should spend  more, not less. But since then President Obama has repeatedly used the  same metaphor, promising to match private belt-tightening with public  belt-tightening. Does he lack the courage to challenge popular  misconceptions, or is this just intellectual laziness? Either way, if  the president won’t defend the logic of his own policies, who will?
Meanwhile, the administration’s mortgage modification program — the  program that inspired the Santelli rant — has, in the end, accomplished  almost nothing. At least part of the reason is that officials were so  worried that they might be accused of helping the undeserving that they  ended up helping almost nobody.
So the moralizers are winning. More and more voters, both here and in  Europe, are convinced that what we need is not more stimulus but more  punishment. Governments must tighten their belts; debtors must pay what  they owe.
The irony is that in their determination to punish the undeserving,  voters are punishing themselves: by rejecting fiscal stimulus and debt  relief, they’re perpetuating high unemployment. They are, in effect,  cutting off their own jobs to spite their neighbors.
But they don’t know that. And because they don’t, the slump will go on. 
Of course, since Krugman's piece went directly after Rick Santelli, you can expect some return commentary.
 
P.S.  This link added by a commentator.  Great follow-up.  http://www.americanthinker.com/2010/08/paul_krugman_gives_up_1.html
 

 
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1 comments:
Krugman has had his A** handed to him a few months ago by his own comment section contributors disproving his Keynesian posts point by point. What did he do when he do when he could no longer back up his beliefs with logic OR reason?
This guy is NOT an economist. Goes to show how much a Nobel prize means nowadays.
He started heavy moderation and drastically lowered character counts in reply's.
Here's a great article that explains the months long battle.
Krugman gives up:
http://www.americanthinker.com/2010/08/paul_krugman_gives_up_1.html
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A marvelous thing happened over on Paul Krugman's blog at the New York Times last week. Krugman effectively conceded defeat on a range of economic debates. Who defeated him? People who posted comments on his New York Times blog. Mere commenters.
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